“Pandemic Pods” are just Business as Usual in U.S. Education
There has been a lot of discussion in recent days about emergence of “Pandemic Pods” – spaces where wealthy families pool their resources to create exclusive educational spaces for their children in response to COVID-19 and its implications for traditional, in-person schools. A recent article discussed a $25,000 pods in Manhattan and the implications of such spaces for educational inequality. While these pods are blatant examples of parents leveraging their privilege to gain educational advantages for their children, they are not entirely unique to this moment. Rather, they are the latest manifestation of opportunity hoarding in education.
Opportunity hoarding in education is the process through which social groups (e.g. whites, the middle- and upper-classes) leverage their positions of relative power to try to monopolize educational resources and exclude others from full access to them. Education in the United States has always been designed to reproduce economic and racial advantages mostly for middle and upper-income whites while reinforcing relationships of domination and subordination.
Historically, opportunity hoarding is exemplified through processes like race and class-based residential and school segregation and the creation of suburbs and suburban education supported by government policies, the banking and real estate industries, the courts, restrictive housing covenants, and rigid urban suburban district boundaries that created exclusive educational spaces for those with the means and the “right” skin color. Coupled with local funding of schools and the unequal distribution of education resources across districts, middle and upper class whites have been disproportionate beneficiaries of these processes. As suburban spaces have become increasingly diverse in recent decades, whites have moved further out to exclusive suburban enclaves, created fragmented districts, and taken over city schools as part of broader patterns of gentrification.
Even in integrated schools and districts, opportunity hoarding continues through the creation of exclusive honors, advanced placement, and International Baccalaureate classes where white and upper-income students are overrepresented. In these spaces, middle-class parents often police the boundaries of these courses and fight ferociously to maintain their exclusivity. Similar patterns exist in elite high schools in large cities, where middle- and upper-class parents (across racial categories) seek to perpetuate their educational and generational economic advantages by reserving the most highly resourced educational contexts for their children. In fact, the piling on of educational resources to the most advantaged students is the driving force that seems to perpetuates race and class disparities in educational outcomes.
To be sure, all parents try to do what is best for their children. But when doing what is best builds on unearned legacies of race and class oppression, and further exacerbates long-standing patterns of stratification, we need to reexamine who we claim to be and what we value. Generations of opportunity hoarding, have contributed to staggering race and class disparities in educational opportunities and outcomes and a widening gap between the rich and the poor on a host of indicators of life chances.
At this moment, when our failures to effectively respond to Covid-19 and its unprecedented economic reverberations have combined with a long-delayed reckoning with systemic white supremacy brought on by the Black Lives Matter Movement, we need to embark on a new path rooted and racial and economic justice not opportunity hoarding and exploitation.
John B. Diamond is the Kellner Family Distinguished Chair in Urban Education at the University of Wisconsin – Madison, and the co-author (with Amanda E. Lewis) of Despite the Best Intentions: How Racial Inequality Thrives in Good Schools (Oxford University Press, 2015).
Race, White Supremacy, and Integration
Introduction to my comments during the American Educational Research Association Presidential Session on School Integration
John B. Diamond
April 16, 2018
New York City
I want to begin with a quote by W.E.B. Du Bois, perhaps the most important scholar of the 20th century, whose work was denied its proper place in history because of white supremacy in the academy (Morris, 2015). In 1935, Du Bois wrote:
The Negro needs neither segregated schools nor mixed schools. What he needs is Education. What he must remember is that there is no magic, either in mixed schools or in segregated schools. A mixed school with poor and unsympathetic teachers, with hostile public opinion, and no teaching of truth concerning black folk, is bad. A segregated school with ignorant placeholders, inadequate equipment, poor salaries, and wretched housing, is equally bad (p. 335).
Here, Du Bois argues that Black people need education not integrated schools or segregated ones. White schools with racist teachers and an anti-black curriculum are inadequate as are Black schools that lack sufficient educational resources. Derek Bell (2005) demonstrates a similar ambivalence about integration when he critiques our almost religious zeal regarding the Brown v. Board decision – arguing that the process of integration has become conflated with educational equity itself. That orthodoxy often overrides our ability to understand that integration was just a means to an end – a compromise in a white supremacist society in which white people (particularly white elites) have used their power to monopolize educational resources for their own children. Therefore, having a debate about school integration absent a careful analysis how race structures opportunity inside and outside schools, and poisons the educational process itself, is ill-advised and potentially dangerous.
So, for the next few minutes, I want to examine the (often unspoken) relationship between race, white supremacy, and integration. I will do three things in this regard. First, I want to reinforce the centrality of white supremacy in the U.S. and its educational enterprise. Second, I want to demonstrate some ways that white supremacy currently embeds itself in organizational routines inside schools. Third, I want to highlight how opportunity hoarding by white parents is the primary force that undermines integration and educational equity.
Most conversations about school desegregation fail to fully acknowledge the central point that white supremacy is the reason we have racially separate educational institutions in the first place. The core challenge of desegregation is that most people racialized as white do not want to go to school with people racialized as Black and Brown (for a recent example see this video). This is at least in part because of their belief in white supremacy and Black inferiority. Having been raised in a society defined by a distain for Blackness and Black people and the belief in Black intellectual inferiority, whites see schools with Black enrollments as inferior. In fact, they will avoid schools with large black populations even when those schools outperform mostly white schools in the same area.
But understanding race requires more than a superficial glossing over of its origins and implications. Race is a social construction developed by white people to justify the brutal treatment and murder of those defined as nonwhite across the globe. Europeans developed racial ideologies that espoused their intellectually and morally superiority over other groups. While race is based on arbitrary physical characteristics, it shapes social structures, institutions, laws, and interpersonal interactions in ways that perpetuate white supremacy. As Bonilla-Silva (2003) argues, societies like the United States form “racialized social systems” across all dimensions of social life, which contribute to the reproduction of white supremacy. Other scholars have spoken to what Mills (1997) refers to as “global white supremacy” as both an ideology and a social system. This is not to suggest that race is the only form of stratification. Class and gender exist simultaneously, and interlock with race in an intersectional matrix of domination.
Nonetheless, White supremacy is among the most powerful organizing principles of the United States and the Globe. It provides the ideological foundation that justifies for settler colonialism, the attempted genocide of indigenous peoples, the colonization of the Africa, and the enslavement of Africans in the Americas. It is encoded in the constitution of the United States with the three fifths clause, implicated in the continued denial of sovereignty to Native nations, and instantiated in historic and contemporary immigration policy that originally excluded “non-whites” from access and citizenship. It also gave rise to white supremacist terror groups that unleashed murderous assaults on Black people who simply sought to register to vote, live where whites did not want them to, or learn to read or form educational institutions.
This white supremacist terror continues in the hyper-surveillance and state sponsored extrajudicial executions of African American, Native Americans, and Latinx people across the country. The arrest of Black people for walking down the street, swimming in the wrong neighborhood, and sitting in Starbucks are the contemporary examples of this hyper-surveillance. And, of course, Black people continue to be murdered by police for standing in their backyards, failing to use turning signals when driving, and reaching for their wallets during a traffic stop with no repercussions. These are the modern-day manifestations of anti-blackness and predatory white supremacy.
I now turn to a discussion of how these structural and symbolic manifestations of race become embedded in organizational routines and are maintained through white parents’ opportunity hoarding behavior (Lewis & Diamond 2015).
Bell, D. Brown v. Board of Education and the Unfulfilled Hopes for Racial Reform. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Bonialla-Silva, E. 2003. Racism Without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in America. Lanham, MD: Rowan and Littlefield.
Du Bois, W.E.B. 1935. Does the Negro Need Separate Schools? The Journal of Negro Education, 4(3): 328-335.
Lewis, A. E., and J. B. Diamond. 2015. Despite the Best Intentions: How Inequality Thrives in Good Schools. New York: Oxford University Press.
Mills, C. W. 1997. The Racial Contract. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Morris, A. D. 2015. The Scholar Denied: W. E. B. Du Bois and the Birth of Modern Sociology. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Ralph Northam, Virginia's Blackface wearing Governor, has me thinking. I want to help white folks navigate the not so complex terrain of race in a white supremacist society. The following should be self-evident. It is just a beginners list of the most obvious. And, next time someone points out a racial (or other kind of) misstep, think about the picture below. It will put you in the right frame of mind to hear the feedback.
Don't use the "N" word in any form, in any context, for any reason (See Damon Young's Very Smart Brothers discussion and Ta-Nehisi Coats discussion here).
If someone says they've experienced racism, don't minimize their experience. They've had a lifetime to know what they are experiencing and 90% of the time don't say anything.
If someone says you did something racist don't get defensive. Instead:
2. Ask why what you did was racist.
3. Do not tell them they are wrong.
4. Try to do better next time.
(That's what I try to do when called out in my sexism, homophobia, classism, etc. because I'm trying to grow as a person rather then get caught up in my feelings).
Do not wear blackface, brownface, yellowface, redface etc. for any reason. Not even for Halloween or a theme party. This should be really easy as doing any of these things takes a lot of effort and forethought.
Don't argue in favor of racist mascots. The pain these mascots inflict on people who have experienced mass murder, attempted genocide, and settler colonialism is greater (and more important) than your sentimental attachment to them. (This also applies to folks of color who wear racist logos representing their favorite sports teams).
Don't claim reverse racism. Racism (white supremacy) is a system constructed over centuries that institutionalizes white advantage in virtually all economic, political, social, and interpersonal interactions. People of color (who are not advantaged by this system) can't simply decide to undue it on a whim and then victimize white people. It doesn't work that way. (It could work this way though according to Aamer Rahman). But really just stop.
Ok. This should get folks started on their successful navigation.
John B. Diamond